By
Bereket Gebru
In a
February, 2016 report entitled “Ethiopia’s Great Run: the growth acceleration
and how to pace it,” the World Bank stated “Ethiopia is a unique country and
its economic growth strategy is no exception.” The report enthused:
Which economic strategy did the Ethiopian
government pursue? In brief, economic strategy focused on promoting agriculture
and industrialization while delivering substantial public infrastructure investment
supported by heterodox macro-financial policies. Overall, there was substantial
government intervention in many aspects of the economy. Ethiopia’s economic
strategy was unique. It differed markedly from other strategies, such as the
recommendations of the Growth Commission (2008) as well as the experience of
other fast growing African countries. Although it was inspired by the East
Asian development state model and shares a few common features, economic
strategy also differed from this model both in conception and outcomes.
This
complement by the World Bank pays tribute to the unique economic strategy
Ethiopia has adopted in its march towards development. Although the level of
success the strategy has bestowed upon the country is proof enough of its
effectiveness and clever design, an appreciation from a third party is always
reassuring.
Another
Ethiopian legal design that has enjoyed great review by scholars is the constitution.
I have come across scholars with the staunchest of opposition to the EPRDF
single out the constitution as an exceptional document even by international
standards. There is a wide agreement among scholars that the Ethiopian
constitution is one of the most democratic constitutions around the world.
With the
foreign policy, industrial strategy and agricultural strategy documents of the
country proving to be well designed, sketching out the best policies does not
seem to be one of the problems that Ethiopia has. The various social, economic
and political achievements the country has enjoyed in the past decade and half
is a testament to that reality.
A few
years onwards, however, the quality of social service has taken a dip. Popular
frustration has been increasing sharply in recent years with a greater
perception of injustice in social service delivery. Recent reports regarding
the low implementation of some of the mega projects that were expected to
change the lives of a large number of Ethiopians is an instance of such a case.
Considering
the policies that drove the rapid economic growth of the country and ensured
the social benefits of a large section of the population have largely been in
place with a few adjustments to bolster their effectiveness, the low level of
implementation is so bizarre. However, the sustainability of the sound policies
indicates that the low level of implementation has to do with the people
carrying out and overseeing the implementation process. That brings the issue
of leadership in the ruling party EPRDF to the forefront of the current unrest
in the country.
It has
been a few years now that the Ethiopian people have been complaining about
EPRDF low, middle and high level leaders using public office for personal gain.
The popular perception of corruption and embezzlement by party appointees
soared in these years. In the meantime, the party did not actively follow
through such allegations and bring the culprits to justice. This condition
raised the popular frustration and made the people feel like they have nowhere
to turn to. This acute lack of belief in the system pushed people to the edge
and prompted them to take things in their own hands in some parts of the
country.
The EPRDF
party leaders have conceded that the sense of social service that has been the
hallmark of their identity has been eroded in recent years. Instead of putting
the interests of the people first, leaders have in recent times opted for their
personal gains even at the expense of the society.
The
party’s long tradition of hectic evaluation that crosses the borders of member
parties was, according to senior leaders, weakened in recent years as each
party stayed within its own limits. As a result, the check and balance
mechanism of the party that stood the taste of time was jeopardized with each
member party dealing with its own case only.
Consequently,
parties have developed a tendency to cover up the injustice and corruption
committed by their members in nationality. The umbrella party EPRDF, in turn,
has developed a new culture of letting unethical and even illegal conduct by
members slide as the former check and balance mechanism of cross party
evaluation has been weakened. As was identified by the party’s 10th
year convention last year, rent seeking behavior and the lack of good
governance have become the main threats challenging the party’s credibility
along with the country’s unity and path to development.
Despite
the glaring instances of popular frustration towards such developments, the
party did not pinch itself to wake up to the reality on its own. The burst of
fury from the Ethiopian people, however, threw the recent trends of letting
things slide out the window and forced the party to be alert once again. The
result was that member parties went back to the application of the old
mechanisms that withstood the challenges of the natural selection of
mechanisms. Accordingly, the border lines of coalition parties faded once again
to get to the bottom of the problem at hand and set the record straight.
With a
major glitch in the party’s conduct leading to popular disappointment, however,
the party needs to fix the problem and ensure the accountability of those who
hid behind nationality to promote their own interests through the use of public
office. That calls for a serious session of evaluation to be followed by a
change of policy.
The
evaluation would help identify those who are capable of carrying out their
responsibilities in holding a certain public office. Those that just hang on to
party membership as the wild card for becoming a public administrator would,
according to the new policy, make way for someone qualified enough regardless
of political membership. Such a measure would help filter out those who use the
party for political appointment and not for public service. Subsequently, the
party would be left with leaders who care more about public service, allowing
the party to reclaim its identity, credibility and social acceptance.
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