Amen
Teferi
“The
children of any nation are its future. A country, a movement, a people that
does not value its youth and children, does not deserve its future.”
I prefaced my piece with
a quote from the opening remark of the outgoing AU commissioner Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma
who has, in her speech to the 28th AU Summit, quoted Oliver Reginald
Tambo. The quote suitably is fits the subject of the Summit, i.e. “Harnessing the Demographic dividend
through investment in the youth.”
The theme highlighted
not only the “demographic dividend” of
our continent but also recapitulates what Oliver Tambo tries to signify in his
quoted speech. The newly elected AU Chairman, Idris Deby, is entrusted with the
task of harnessing this dividend through investment in the youth. The new AU
commissioner, Alpha Konde of the republic of Guinea is also expected to work
hard in ensuring the “continent’s future” by giving due attention to the
children and youth of mother Africa.
Hence, to strengthen the
organizational capacity of the AU the Rwandese President Paul Kagame has
brought a proposal to the consideration of the Summit. As we know the
organizational structure of the AU is adopted from the European Union (EU).
With the Assembly of the 54 heads of states, the administrative commission and
the pan-African Parliament- made up of 235 representatives.
Some have questioned
whether adopting the EU model was the correct decision, given that the two continents
face very different challenges, but still there is much they can learn from
Europe. No doubt, the two continental organizations display acute differences
but given, the EU has strict entry
requirements known as conditionality, which cover areas of human rights, economics
and corruption among others, while seemingly the criterion for AU membership is
geography.
As some observers
suggested the AU would likely
benefit from adopting tighter conditions, though perhaps some of the EU’s
stringent measures would prove far too draconian if applied to African states. Article 30 of the Constitutive Act of the African Union,
however, suggests that there are criteria for membership. It states that any
“government which shall come to power through unconstitutional means shall not
be allowed to participate in the activities of the activities of the union” but
the rule is only enforced in high-profile coup d’états.
In her farewell speech the chairperson the AU commission
Nkosazana Dlamini- Zuma has hailed the effort made by ECOWAS and as a token of
appreciation has awarded Dr. Ellen Joseph Sirleaf. Thus, before she
took her seat she made a decision to take the opportunity to respectfully call
on President Johnson Sirleaf to join her on the podium and extended a heartfelt
gratitude to ECOWAS that show courage to stand by the people of the Gambia and
defended the values and principles of our Union. In fact, ECOWAS has set a good
example by remaining steadfast in defense of the principles and values of the
African Union.
The handling of election
crisis in Gambia demonstrates the Western region’s determination to defend
democracy. That was a clear
gesture that would indicate AU’s political will to promote pan-African
democracy. Sometimes it appears to be difficult to take seriously the union’s
political will to promote democracy when some AU nations are run by autocrats
themselves. But what ECOWAS has recently done in relation to the post-election
squabble in Gambia has an inspiring element that should be duly acknowledged.
For the promotion of “peace, security, and stability on
the continent,” the AU allows for intervention, however, they have had very
limited success in doing so. One of their few successes was in the deployment
of troops to Somalia in 2007, and some analysts believe the AU, along with
Kenyan and Ethiopian forces, to have done a better job of pacifying Mogadishu
than any other outside force.
However, the AU has got a fair share of criticism for its
failure to intervene earlier in the civil war in Libya as well as for its delay
in recognizing the new Libyan leaders. In fact, some critics tend to be rather
considerate and try to understand AU’s reluctance, for it would be difficult to
the AU to recognize the rebels who overthrew a man who did much to found the
union. Nonetheless, they never fail to censure the AU for failing to act
decisively at a time when intervention of some form was needed.
To achieve the goals set in its constitutive documents the
AU always strive to strengthen its organizational structure and sought to have
reliable financial capacity by generating resources from internal sources. We know that a major challenge facing the African
Union is funding.
Currently, only five countries contribute two-thirds of
the portion from AU member states. From the so-called ‘Big Five’—South Africa,
Nigeria, Libya, Egypt and Algeria For instance, in 2011, Libya’s Muammar
Gaddafi withheld his country’s contribution, voicing displeasure at what he
believed to be a lack of progress in a move towards a ‘United States of
Africa.’ With such shortcomings as these in the area of funding, it is
inevitable that the AU will fail to operate effectively. One important place to
start in addressing this problem is to deal with corruption and the illicit
flow of money from Africa. The continent possesses great wealth in its
resources, but little of this wealth is used in the development of the
continent. It has been estimated that Africa is losing close to $50bn annually
with a large portion of this from the extractive industries, such as oil and
gas exploration.
The Centre for Citizens’ Participation on the African
Union (CCP-AU) reports that Nigeria alone has been losing $5bn of oil money per
year. Former South African President Thabo Mbeki is currently leading a High
Level Panel looking at the illicit flow of finances from Africa. More work in
this area needs to be carried out.
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